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Hanging on by our Fingernails
Tim Sale
The following is the transcript of one of the speeches given at
the Jan. 12, 1991, peace rally organized by the Winnipeg Co-ordinating
Committee foe Disarmament, before the attack on Iraq. Tim Sale is
a founding member of Project Peacemakers.
I have been asked to speak about the connections between the gulf
crisis and Canadian and world poverty. What shall I say? That the
arms race, and the First World’s insistence on its continuing
dominance, now through economic imperialism, is the cause of world
poverty? But that’s not the whole truth. Shall I tell you
that global corporate capitalism creates structures that require
poverty to exist in order to provide buffers against wage pressure
and pressures for social justice, pressures for environmental sanity
and for equality among people? True, but that’s only part
of the whole story, too. Shall I say that well-intentioned international
aid has gone disastrously off-track, leading instead to patterns
of dependency where none used to exist, and to devastatingly unfair
trade in commodities that steadily decline in price as the great
nations arrange competition to favour their cost structures? Yet
once more, that’s not a sufficient answer either.
The real connection between poverty and the gulf crisis lies in
the collective failure of our imaginations. In this sense, the gulf
crisis is only one more in a long line of crises in Africa, Latin
America, or South-East Asia, in which poverty is a necessary accompaniment
to the failure of imagination. Imagination is what has to happen
before new realities can be constructed and perceived. We have to
image, to think something into possibility: only then can we will
it into existence, to insist that it come to be. No human creation
arises unbidden, unimagined. Human, generative, creative energy
has always stood against chaos, has willed into reality new human
possibilities, new learning, new knowledge, new creative uses of
mind and matter and heart. We will justice into being, it does not
come unaided. We will health and education systems into being: they
do not come unaided. As co-creators, we will human life itself into
being.
But we are stuck in our old imaginations: we cannot imagine a world
of security-in-justice, because we would not be in control, so instead,
we have imagined and created a world of insecurity-in-injustice,
which we try to dominate, because if we did not, it would fall.
We will into being all the darker sides of this world, too. Colonialism,
Imperialism, Racism, Sexism, Homophobia, Patriarchy and its cousin
Hierarchy are creatures first of our imagination. The extent to
which they are still with us is testimony to the power of imaginations:
it may be the imagination of the proud and the rich among us, but
it is imagination none the less.
We, every one of us, are trapped and hanging on by our fingernails.
Saddam Hussein, in his perverse and unacceptable way, has offered
us an option, but it looks like we will refuse, and instead will
go lemming-like to war. Saddam Hussein has offered us another chance
to climb towards stable environmental ground, but once again, we
are apparently determined to hurl ourselves, and anyone within reach,
into an abyss of oil-centred consumption. He offers us a chance
to lessen our fatal attraction to oil, but we greedily grasp the
tap, determined at all costs to feed our addiction. We are oil-aholics,
every western nation, and every last one of us. Trapped in a dying,
fossil-fueled world order, sucking over $60 billion a year out of
the stomachs and hearts and heads of the increasingly poor people
in the Third World, while we in the first world make shrill cries
for in even higher standard of living, ignoring the growing crisis
of our own poor. The most stuck of all are the ruling economic elite
of the United States government-military-industrial complex. The
west historically occupied the middle east, drew its boundaries,
exploited its resources and divided its peoples. And the United
States is inflexibly determined to preserve this economic occupation-domination,
even at the cost of war: devastating the very centre of that region,,
ensuring decades of Arab hostility towards the west and bringing
environmental disaster on countless millions, most of whom already
live deeply enmeshed in poverty. If inflexibility were measured
in terms of the forces it brings to bear, then American inflexibility
is surely greater than Iraq’s equally unacceptable intransigence.
To imagine a different world is hard work. It is hard learning
to let go of old myths of dominance and myths of scarcity: myths
that human dignity has something to do with the right clothing labels
and lots of horsepower. It is hard saying to our fearful hearts
that we already have enough, and more than enough, most of us. We
would rather, like biblical farmers, build ever bigger barns, to
hoard and store and keep, oblivious to the cataclysm that is gathering
on our borders. And so we tacitly agree with the powerful when they
tell us the old myths of scarcity: we agree with their myths about
individual power and self-reliance, about the desirability of life
apart from communities, commonwealths, or collectivities. We buy
into their myths of the need to ration education and health care,
and even food itself. If you can buy it, it’s yours. If not,
get a job. So nurses picket food banks expand, and people grow hungry,
while the imagination of the powerful denies that we have a problem.
If we want a world of justice, a world free of prejudice, a world
that cherishes the generativity of creation in all its fullness,
a world that honours children and women and men of colours and creeds
that are not European, we first have to imagine it.
If we can begin to imagine such a world, then we will be impelled
into imagining our actions ... to bring it to be. To imagine ourselves
withdrawing our consent to be governed by those who tell us lies
about the need for war, and war toys. Who tell us lies that we cannot
afford anti-poverty programs and health care, and child care, and
full economic participation for aboriginal people. We are impelled
to name such tales as lies, and their tellers as liars. To reject
those who tell us that the only path for development in the Third
World is through slavish imitations of our pattern, as though it
were somehow possible to have two cars in every garage in Soweto
and Island Lake, Shanghai and Bombay. And we will be impelled into
imagining new ways of being in solidarity with the poor of the First
and Third Worlds, to listening for and being present in their struggles
for liberation, in the confidence that there is plenty to share,
and creativity beyond our dreams to ensure life in abundance for
all. Until we can imagine these new things, we will be stuck fast,
and the poor will be stuck fast with us. If we can do the hard work
of imagining these new possibilities, then we can begin to let go
of the destructive myths of the past. So let us imagine a new world
for our children, for all children, for earth herself.
From Links, February 1991, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 2
(CX5097)
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