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NEWS & LETTERS, March-April 2005

Editorial

Iraq after the elections

Chaos, fear and the oppressive presence of U.S. and British troops continue to be realities of life for ordinary Iraqis. While a resurgence of suicidal bomb attacks since the Jan. 30 elections threatens to erase from memory what transpired that day, it is important to revisit the event to be prepared to understand Iraq's present and immediate future.  

The period leading up to the elections was one of uncertainty and trepidation. The possibility of a wave of violence directed against voters and polling sites, combined with the shroud of secrecy that had covered almost all aspects of the preparations for the election, made the early morning of Jan. 30 one marked by great anxiety.

Yet despite the pervasive fear that the worst might happen, the people of Iraq, who have suffered almost two years of daily violence and material privation since the U.S. launched its invasion in 2003, began to come out into the streets of their country and walk to polling sites, the locations of which had only been revealed to them that morning. They had to make their way on foot because all automobile traffic had been banned by the authorities for the day.

The turnout had an unmistakable element of mass spontaneity. Mothers decided to gather their children together and make their way through the streets to cast ballots. People who had successfully voted early returned home to knock on the doors of their neighbors to convince them to make their way to the polls. Even the sound of the nearby explosions of mortar shells did not deter people from standing in long lines to vote.

Despite the fact that the elections were organized entirely by a government appointed by the United States, the Iraqi people used the opportunity to make a strong statement that they--and not President Bush and his war cabinet--would from this point on shape their future. In fact, the candidate most closely identified with the U.S., strongman Iyad Allawi, fared relatively poorly.

The eight million people who cast ballots took the narrow form of a parliamentary election held under adverse conditions and infused it with a content that had an implicit sense of defiance: defiance to the U.S. military, defiance to the sectarian perpetrators of mass murder in the name of resistance to the invaders, and defiance to the now past regime of oppression maintained by Saddam Hussein and his henchmen.

As was anticipated, most Sunni Iraqis--out of fear for their safety or hostility to the appointed government--did not vote. Turnout in the Shia and Kurdish areas was high, despite election day violence that killed as many as 44 people. It was no secret that the leaders of these groups had a disciplined political strategy to use the elections to solidly establish their position in post-Saddam Iraq. Much to their credit, these groups were not dissuaded from carrying out their plan by the violent and sectarian tactics of the resistance. In addition to the main voting, the long-oppressed Kurds even carried out an unofficial referendum on independence that resulted in overwhelming approval for an independent country.

Now, however, the question is this: has Iraq put its authoritarian past behind it only to embark upon a future of religious fundamentalism?

The biggest winner of the election was the United Iraqi Alliance, a broad slate of Shia religious and secular groups that had been openly endorsed by Ayatollah Sistani, the most influential leader of Iraq’s Shia majority. The Alliance contains the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq and the Dawa party, two large fundamentalist groups with strong ties to conservative forces in the Iranian government. The religious leaders of the Alliance have made it clear that they want an Iraq governed by Islamic legal principles and both of these groups are vying to secure the office of prime minister.

Yet a fundamentalist future is not written in stone. The strong Kurdish showing represents a powerful voting bloc for secularism and the unity of the United Iraqi Alliance does not seem likely to survive the parliamentary maneuvers underway to select the prime minister and president. If the Alliance fractures, the strength of political Islam in the new assembly may be diluted.

The Jan. 30 elections marked a turning point in Iraq since the invasion. While the reactionary resistance continues to take the lives of ordinary Iraqis and the oppressive U.S. military has no plan to vacate soon, the Iraqi people have made a small but substantial step towards governing their own affairs. This period calls for opponents of the war and supporters of the Iraqi people to extend their solidarity more firmly than ever to the forces that can chart out a new path for Iraq: the women fighting both traditional and religious repression, the national minorities struggling for self-determination and the workers who are engaged in the task of building an independent labor movement.

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