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NEWS & LETTERS, April 2002 

Lead article

World capitalism faces global economic slump

by Andrew Kliman

Despite the recent talk about the "end" of the recession in the U.S., the global economy is in an unusually "synchronized" slump-a fact that is bound to have a long-term impact on developments here at home.

According to the most recent figures, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has fallen for three straight quarters in Japan and two straight quarters in Germany-the world's second and third largest economies. GDP is also falling in France, Italy, and Austria, and its growth is a miniscule 0.1% or less in Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. The "emerging economies" in which GDP is falling include Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, Malaysia, Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Israel, and Turkey.

Official Russian government estimates indicate that its economy, too, either failed to grow or contracted in the final quarter of 2001. The Asian economic crisis of a few years ago spread to Russia in 1998, causing it to default on its loans and devalue the ruble. Yet the Russian economy rebounded sharply, mostly because the price of its oil exports tripled and the collapse of the ruble cheapened its exports, making them more competitive in the world market. Now that oil prices have fallen and the ruble's value has stabilized, the Russian economy may again be heading downward.

Absent from the list of declining-GDP countries is the U.S. The U.S. may or may not have pulled out of its recession, which began last March. Most, though not all, measures of economic activity have recently turned upward. Preliminary figures indicate that GDP rose at a 1.4% annual rate in the fourth quarter of last year after falling by 1.3% in the third, though it is possible that revised figures will show that the decline continued. The official definition of a recession, however, is not based on GDP but on trends in employment, industrial production, and other measures of economic activity.

In any case, the real questions are whether the recovery in the U.S. will be strong or weak, and indeed whether the beginning of an economic upturn during the last month or two is sustainable.

UPTURN OR DOWNTURN?

Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan told a congressional committee at the end of February that "An array of influences unique to this business cycle ...seems likely to moderate the speed of the anticipated recovery." The economy, in other words, will not recover rapidly from the recession. He predicted that the unemployment rate, which stood at 5.5% in February, would continue to rise and eventually reach 6 or 6.5%. Many private-sector economic analysts, such as Ian Shepherdson of High Frequency Economics, agree that "this will be a jobless recovery," at least in its early stages.

Others are projecting that the recovery will be a "profitless" one as well. A failure of profits to rebound would be particularly significant because profits fell even before the recession began, from 10.2% of GDP in 1997 to 9% in the third quarter of 2000. Then profits took their fastest nose dive since the Great Depression, to 6.8% of GDP by the third quarter of 2001.

Any rise in unemployment will add to the 1.4 million jobs that have already been eliminated since March 2001. An even greater number of manufacturing jobs, 1.7 million, 9% of that sector's total employment, have vanished since July 2000. As of January, 380,000 U.S. workers had been unemployed for so long that their jobless benefits had run out. This is particularly troubling because the welfare system no longer performs the safety-net function it performed in the past. Some 60% of poor children receive no welfare benefits.

In addition to those who are "officially" unemployed, another 4.2 million workers wanted full-time jobs but were working only part-time in February. An additional 1.4 million people were not counted as unemployed, even though they were available to work, merely because they couldn't find a job and gave up looking for one. If one counts these groups as unemployed, February's unemployment rate stands at 10.1% (up from 7.9% the year before), almost double the "official" rate.

Some analysts' forecasts are even more negative than those of Greenspan and Shepherdson. Felix Zulauf, who runs an asset management firm, said last month that he does "not think we are in an economic situation that allows for a sustainable recovery." Wynne Godley, a widely respected economist, argues that the U.S. economy will AT BEST suffer from several years of "seriously subnormal growth," and that several more years of absolute decline is "easy to imagine."

SMOKE AND MIRRORS

Among the chief factors behind such negative outlooks is the fact that U.S. companies and consumers have been borrowing so much that their net saving is negative-they spend more money than they bring in-something that cannot be sustained in the long term. Starting in early 1992, when it stood at about 6% of GDP, net saving plummeted continuously and bottomed out at -6.2% in the third quarter of 2000.

The expansion of the 1990s was largely a matter of firms and consumers investing and consuming beyond their means. This could not and did not last forever.

Investment spending fell sharply in the latter part of 2000, and the economy sank into recession. By the third quarter of 2001, the savings rate had risen by 3.7 percentage points, to -2.5%. Despite its steep rise, the savings rate remains in negative territory, and its current level is therefore unsustainable.

Although investment spending has dropped substantially, consumer spending has not. Even in the wake of a stock market slump and a year of recession, consumers are still spending money faster than they are making it. Stephen Roach, chief economist at Morgan Stanley, quipped that "The swagger of the legendary American consumer is starting to look more and more like that of a drunken sailor.

Yet it isn't just perverse psychology that has propped up consumption during the recession. The Fed's unprecedented string of interest rate cuts, as well as tax rebates, zero-interest financing on motor vehicles, and other sharp price discounts, have kept consumer spending on a rising path. The zero-interest motor vehicle loans alone served to boost spending on vehicles by $58 billion in the final quarter of 2001.

Yet if this and the other incentives to spend are temporary-and they all do seem to have run their course-they can stimulate spending only temporarily. In fact, since the zero-percent loans induced consumers to buy new cars sooner rather than later, they will depress such spending in the months ahead.

The recent spending incentives have thus allowed the day of reckoning to be postponed, but it cannot be postponed indefinitely, particularly because the savings rate remains negative.

Thus the key question is how quickly spending will fall back onto a sustainable path. If spending growth slows down gradually over an extended period, we can expect an extended period of below-normal economic growth. If the savings rate moves back rapidly to a normal level, however, it is likely either that the apparent recent upturn will be reversed and the recession will continue, or that a new recession will follow quickly on the heels of the latest one. Such "double dip" recessions are common; a double dip took place during five of the six most recent recessions in the U.S.

Another factor that threatens to prevent a genuine economic recovery in the U.S. is that its trade deficit has recently hit an all-time high and might rise further. U.S. imports exceed its exports by so much that it has to borrow $4 billion daily from abroad to make up the difference. Even a small decline in capital inflows could trigger a rise in interest rates and inflation, and a fall in the value of the dollar, and thus lead the economy into a renewed slump.

The present recession in East Asia, largely a result of the steep decline of Japan's economy, is yet another factor that might prevent recovery in the U.S., in part by depressing U.S. export earnings even further. In the final quarter of 2001, Japan's GDP fell for the third time in a row, and especially sharply, at a 4.5% annual rate. Business investment dropped by 40%. Industrial production fell by 15% last year, and now stands 10% below its 1989 level.

In January, bank lending in Japan fell for the fiftieth straight month and retail sales declined for the tenth. Unemployment, which stood at 3.3% four years ago, has risen steadily and now stands at 5.3%. Sluggish spending has led to serious deflation. Consumer prices in Japan fell every month during the past two years, and last year they fell by 0.7%. Given that inflation, not deflation, is the norm, this is a large decline.

When prices fall, so do sellers' incomes, and the loss of income makes it harder for them to pay off their debts. Thus if deflation in Japan continues much longer, the likely result is widespread business and personal bankruptcies, as well as a wave of bank failures or even a collapse of the banking system.

Japan's banking system is already in dire straits, in part because of defaults on loans, but also in large part because the value of the shares of stock the banks own has plummeted drastically. The Nikkei stock price index has fallen by one-half during the past couple of years, and by three-fourths since the country's bubble economy burst at the start of 1990.

Although Japan's decline is much less steep than the decline of the U.S. economy during the Great Depression, it has lasted longer. Twelve years into Japan's slump, output, profits, and asset values are all much lower, relative to pre-slump levels, than they were 12 years after the U.S. Depression began.

This is occurring despite the Japanese government's massive employment of Keynesian policies. Short-term interest rates are close to zero, the basic money supply grew by 16% in the past year, and government spending has skyrocketed to the point that its debt now stands at 140% of GDP. (Moody's, a credit-rating firm, has threatened to downgrade Japan's credit-worthiness to the level of Botswana's.) Such policies supposedly "prime the pump," but they haven't done so.

On Feb. 25, U.S. Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill voiced a widespread sentiment when he said that Japan's economic situation "is not sustainable for too much longer a period of time. Something will give."

The deflation in Japan has spread to Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and China. China's economics minister recently conceded that, due to falling prices and weak demand from abroad, profits in the state sector of the economy will fall in 2002, as they did in 2001. Western analysts paint a gloomier picture, arguing that China's plan to revitalize the state sector has not succeeded. Official state-sector profits, they say, are positive only because creative accounting and lending by state banks boosts them artificially. Partly because of this, the four big state-owned banks are now insolvent by international standards.

China's revitalization plan has thrown about 70 million state-sector workers out of work. The official urban unemployment rate is only 5%, but Western scholars think it is actually about 25%. An estimated 170 million Chinese are either unemployed or "semi-employed," and China's recent entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) is expected to cause millions of agricultural workers to lose their jobs.

The failure of its revitalization efforts is particularly threatening to Chinese capitalism because, ever since 1989, the state has tried to spur economic growth in order to dampen social unrest.

This also seems not to be working. Bombings have escalated since the early 1990s. According to China-watchers Peter Kwong and Dusanka Miscovic, several Communist Party officials were assassinated, and 28 deliberate explosions occurred-at factories, police stations, train depots, and housing facilities-late last year, around the time China entered the WTO.

ARGENTINa's deepening crisis

Argentina is another country rocked by protests that its latest president, Eduardo Duhalde, has characterized as a "social time bomb." The East Asian crisis spread to Argentina in 1998, and its economy has never recovered. Indeed, the recession has deepened, causing foreign capital to flee. The government was forced, in December and January, to freeze bank accounts, default on its $155 billion foreign debt-the largest such default in history-and allow the value of its currency to fall by more than one-half, which in effect makes the Argentine people poorer by one-half.

The unemployment rate is now about 25%, and 44% of Argentina's urban residents are now officially classified as poor. Sixteen percent of the country's people-twice as many as two years ago-are not getting their basic food needs met. The economy is not expected to turn around any time soon.

The Argentine working and middle classes have protested against these conditions and policies in various ways. The Congress building was set on fire, demonstrators fought police, and others obtained needed foodstuffs from grocery stores by nonmonetary means. Banks continue to be a target. Uruguay, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Peru are other South American countries that have been shaken by protests triggered by the region's recession.

Argentina was the richest country in South America only a few years ago. In light of its apparent economic success, advocates of free-market and neoliberal policies regularly pointed to it as a model for other "developing" countries to follow. They do so no longer and, within Argentina, free-market and neoliberal policies are widely blamed for the country's crisis.

The dismal experiences of other Latin American countries that tried to resist the world market, however, calls into question the notion that Argentina's people would be better off had it also done so. The country's legacy of Peronism and military dictatorship suggests that the failed economics of the recent past may well be replaced by something worse.

The movement against global capitalism must therefore not stop at opposing capitalism only in its neoliberal form. Fighters for freedom need to articulate a vision of a future in which the power that dominates over us, the self-expansion of value, and the recurrent economic crises it engenders, are abolished. This is the only liberatory alternative to the current state of affairs.

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