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Essay
August-September 2000


On the 100th anniversary of his birth: Erich Fromm's Marxist dimension


By Kevin Anderson, author of LENIN, HEGEL, AND WESTERN MARXISM

This year, the 100th anniversary of Erich Fromm's birth, we have witnessed a number of publications and symposia devoted to the life and work of this great psychologist and socialist humanist. Notable among the new publications is Fromm archivist Rainer Funk's ERICH FROMM: HIS LIFE AND IDEAS, AN ILLUSTRATED BIOGRAPHY (Continuum Books, 2000, $29.95). Funk covers all aspects of Fromm's development, from his early interest in Jewish theology to his discovery of Marx and Freud in crisis-ridden pre-Hitler Germany.

Funk offers a new account of the disputes between Fromm and the other leading members of the Frankfurt School, especially Theodor Adorno, who opposed the type of critique Fromm was making of Freud's biologism. When Fromm wrote in the late 1930s that "Freud has wrongly based psychology totally on natural factors" (p. 94), Adorno countered: "This time I did not like Fromm at all--he put me into the paradoxical situation of defending Freud" (p. 97). While Funk is clearly partial to Fromm, one does not need to accept the former's entire argument to recognize that the frequent attempts by Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse, and many of their followers to portray Fromm as somehow more conservative have distorted the history of the Left.

MARX AND FREUD

None deny, however, that it was Fromm who first introduced the Frankfurt School to a form of Freudian Marxism that was at the root of all of their subsequent efforts to theorize the types of "authoritarian personalities" drawn most frequently from the lower middle classes and who--from Hitler's recruits to Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh to the typical foreman in a capitalist factory--combine masochistic reverence and obedience to higher authority with sadistic urges to dominate those less powerful. (Recall that Sergeant McVeigh had been a model and compliant soldier in the eyes of his superiors, while those under his command, especially Blacks, reported that he was cruel and vindictive.) Fromm summed up these issues in ESCAPE FROM FREEDOM (1941), a pioneering analysis of the appeal of fascism to those living under the uncertainties of capitalism.

Few are aware that Fromm began his attempt to unite Marxian class analysis with psychoanalysis not in the study of fascism but in a critique of the criminal justice system. Writing in Germany in 1930, he noted in one of his earliest published articles that the criminal justice system continues its harsh, punitive practices despite numerous studies by liberal reformers proving that prison and capital punishment are completely ineffective in protecting society from crime.

Pointing to "hidden functions" of the criminal justice system, Fromm wrote that whether in punishing or in showing mercy, "the state imposes itself as a father image on the unconscious of the masses," working to bind them to the rulers, even against their own economic interests. A second hidden function of the system is to divert the anger of the masses over their own oppressive social conditions away from the rulers and onto the criminal. This allows the masses to express their pent-up anger "in a manner that is harmless for the state." Fromm added: "Part of the function of war lies in the same direction." (See Fromm, "The State as Educator," in ERICH FROMM AND CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY, edited by Kevin Anderson and Richard Quinney, University of Illinois Press, 2000, p. 126.) One need not accept Fromm's Freudian framework to recognize that he had put his finger on how the whole issue of crime has ideological dimensions that legitimate the capitalist order.

Most commentators regard Fromm's early writings as more steeped in Marx than his later ones. This is another indication of the extent to which the pro-Adorno interpretation has become dominant on the Left. In fact, the opposite is true. Fromm's most important contributions to Marxism came after World War II, when he championed a specifically Marxist humanist standpoint. As the radical psychologist Joel Kovel has noted, Fromm's move away from orthodox Freudianism led to "the introduction of Marx's humanism--the humanism of the 1844 Manuscripts--in place of Freudian instinct theory," something that "distinguishes him from the other psychoanalytic Marxists of the time." (See Kovel's introduction to THE ERICH FROMM READER, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1994.)

THE UNPUBLISHED DISCUSSION OF TROTSKY

One indication of Fromm's renewed interest in Marxism during the 1950s is his decision to write a review of TROTSKY'S DIARY IN EXILE, published in 1958 by Harvard University Press. (Fromm's review was never published, but it can be found in the ERICH FROMM ARCHIVES in Tübingen, Germany.) In his review, Fromm deplored the "general habit of considering Stalinism and present-day Communism as identical with, or at least a continuation of revolutionary Marxism," especially the attempt to link "Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky" to "the vengeful killer Stalin, and to the opportunistic conservative Khrushchev." He added:

"They were men with an uncompromising sense of truth, penetrating to the very essence of reality, and never taken in by the deceptive surface; of an unquenchable courage and integrity; of deep concern and devotion to man and his future; unselfish and with little vanity or lust for power."

Fromm concluded that "just as was the case with Marx..., the concern, understanding and sharing of a deeply loving man...shines through Trotsky's diary." Fromm strongly objected to one aspect of the publication of Trotsky's diary, however, a passage in the publicity copy from Harvard referring to Trotsky's alleged "underlying fanaticism and selfishness." I am aware of no similar defense of the life and work of the great revolutionaries Lenin and Trotsky in the writings of other members of the Frankfurt School.

MARX'S HUMANISM

With his book MARX'S CONCEPT OF MAN (1961), Fromm probably did more than any other individual to introduce Marx's now famous 1844 ESSAYS to the American public. Marcuse had discussed them more profoundly in his REASON AND REVOLUTION (1941) and Raya Dunayevskaya had deepened the discussion in her MARXISM AND FREEDOM (1958), a volume that also included the first published English translation of two of the most important of Marx's 1844 ESSAYS, "Private Property and Communism" and "Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic." MARX'S CONCEPT OF MAN consisted of a 90-page discussion by Fromm, Tom Bottomore's translation of 110 pages from Marx's 1844 ESSAYS, plus 60 pages of other texts by Marx and those who knew him.

Fromm's stature as a public intellectual helped to spark a far wider discussion of the 1844 ESSAYS, not only within the broad intellectual public, but also in mass media. NEWSWEEK, for example, was forced to concede that "Marxian scholars have long known that there is an amazing world of difference between the mythical Marx and the real man."

The best part of Fromm's contribution to MARX'S CONCEPT OF MAN was his attack on what he termed "the falsification of Marx's concepts" in the mass media and even among intellectuals. He added that "this ignorance and distortion of Marx are more to be found in the United States than in any other Western country" (p. 1). Too often, Marx was portrayed as a crude materialist who "neglected the importance of the individual" (p. 2). Fromm set the record straight, writing that "the very aim of Marx is to liberate man from the pressure of economic needs, so that he can be fully human" (p. 5).

A second falsification of Marx, this one carried out by both Western intellectuals AND Communist ideologues, was the forced identification of Marx with the single-party totalitarianism of the Soviet Union and Maoist China. During the Cold War, this had led intellectuals to take sides with either the West (for example, Sidney Hook) or Communism (for example, Jean-Paul Sartre) as the lesser evil. Fromm would have none of this. Instead, he posed a sharp diremption between "Marxist humanist socialism," on the one hand, and "totalitarian socialism" on the other (p. viii), writing that the latter was really "a system of conservative state capitalism" (p. vii).

However, Fromm sometimes erred by imposing his own more eclectic form of humanism on Marx himself. For example, he wrote that "Marx's philosophy constitutes a spiritual existentialism in secular language" or that Marx's concept of socialism is rooted in "prophetic Messianism" (p. 5). Cold War American liberals seized upon these weaknesses to attack Fromm, whom they already resented for his critiques of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. They tried to counter the whole new view of Marx as a revolutionary humanist that he had presented, with both the 1844 ESSAYS and later works such as CAPITAL as expressions of that underlying humanism.

In a review of MARX'S CONCEPT OF MAN, the young philosopher Richard Bernstein, later a follower of Jürgen Habermas, referred dismissively to the 1844 MANUSCRIPTS as "a series of jottings." In language prefiguring later postmodernist attacks on Marx and the dialectic, Bernstein also warned that Fromm's talk of human "self-realization" in Marx was a "dangerous" form of "absolute humanism" that "as history has taught us... can by subtle gradations turn into an absolute totalitarianism" (NEW LEADER, Oct. 2, 1961).

The ex-Marxist Sidney Hook, an originator of the "Hegel and fascism" school who had virtually ignored Marx's 1844 ESSAYS in his supposed masterpiece FROM HEGEL TO MARX (1936), seemed to feel the ground shifting under him. He pontificated: "To seek what was distinctive and characteristic about Marx in a period when he was still in Hegelian swaddling clothes... is to violate every accepted and tested canon of historical scholarship" (NEW LEADER, Dec. 11, 1961). Such attacks from intellectuals who also ridiculed student protesters as spoiled brats only served to increase the interest of radical youth in Marx's humanism.

DUNAYEVSKAYA--FROMM CORRESPONDENCE

It was while putting together MARX'S CONCEPT OF MAN that Fromm began his 30 years of correspondence with Dunayevskaya. In his book, Fromm called Dunayevskaya's MARXISM AND FREEDOM "a significant addition to Marxist-humanist thought" (p. 74). Their correspondence documents the process by which Dunayevskaya contributed an essay to SOCIALIST HUMANISM, the 1965 international symposium which Fromm edited, and Fromm's assistance in obtaining publishers for her 1973 book, PHILOSOPHY AND REVOLUTION. He did so not only for the American edition, but also for the Spanish and the German translations of that work, contributing a preface for the latter. (Dunayevskaya placed much of their correspondence in THE RAYA DUNAYEVSKAYA COLLECTION, while the remainder is held by the Raya Dunayevskaya Memorial Fund in Chicago. A full set can also be found in the Erich Fromm Archives in Germany.)

Although Fromm had praised her MARXISM AND FREEDOM, this did not deter Dunayevskaya from offering some criticisms of Fromm's book in her next letter to him (RD to EF 10/11/61). Her main criticism was that Fromm's discussion of Marx's humanist essays lacked the concreteness "of what Marx called the 'abolition' of philosophy through its 'realization,' that is to say by putting an end to the division between life and philosophy, work and life." Fromm responded politely that he "cannot offer any argument" against her critique of the abstract character of his essay.

On the issue of Hegel, however, the correspondence is more one-sided, with Dunayevskaya sometimes writing to Fromm on Hegel, but getting little direct response. However, it was in a letter apologizing for not being able to respond directly on Hegel that Fromm invited her to contribute to SOCIALIST HUMANISM.

Once Dunayevskaya submitted her essay, "Marx's Humanism Today," she and Fromm had an extended dialogue, mainly over his desire for her to avoid "expressions which are aggressive" (EF to RD 4/15/64) toward existing Communist regimes so as not to endanger the East European participants. But Fromm also asked her to expand her points on commodity fetishism and on the relationship of the Paris Commune to Marx's CAPITAL.

Later, in 1974, Fromm asked Dunayevskaya for source material from Marx for his book-in-progress TO HAVE OR TO BE?, published in 1976. They exchanged a number of letters on this issue. While the book as a whole attempted a synthesis comprising such disparate elements as Marx, Christian mysticism, and Zen Buddhism, there are also passages that show some affinity to Dunayevskaya's Marxist-Humanism. For example, the longest quote from Marx that Fromm includes in this book (almost a full page) is none other than the one from Vol. III of CAPITAL where Marx writes of the new society as one where there exists a "human power which is its own end," also quoted on the masthead of this newspaper (p. 156).

Other letters include some pungent critiques by both Dunayevskaya and Fromm of Frankfurt School members Marcuse, Adorno, and Max Horkheimer, but I cannot go into them here.

LUXEMBURG AND WOMEN'S LIBERATION

Dunayevskaya first brought up women's liberation in their correspondence in 1974, when she sent Fromm an article of hers on this topic. Fromm responded most enthusiastically, writing that if the Women's Liberation Movement "would know Marx they would find that they had their greatest ally in him" (EF to RD 3/26/74). Some of these letters trace the early stages of the development of ROSA LUXEMBURG, WOMEN'S LIBERATION, AND MARX'S PHILOSOPHY OF REVOLUTION, published two and half years after Fromm's death, in 1982.

In a letter of July 15, 1976, Dunayevskaya referred to the "lack of camaraderie between Luxemburg, Lenin, and Trotsky." She asked: "Could there have been, if not outright male chauvinism, at least some looking down on her theoretical work, because she was a woman?"

On October 27, 1977, Fromm responds to these and other points raised by Dunayevskaya: "I feel that the male Social Democrats never could understand Rosa Luxemburg, nor could she acquire the influence for which she had the potential because she was a woman; and the men could not become full revolutionaries because they did not emancipate themselves from their male, patriarchal, and hence dominating, character structure." This moving letter was his last to Dunayevskaya, who published it in her WOMEN'S LIBERATION AND THE DIALECTICS OF REVOLUTION (1985).

Fromm's life and work centered on the problem of how people could realize their full humanity, not only in psychological terms, but also politically and philosophically. Always searching for a pathway out of the alienated world of capitalism, he played a major role in creating awareness that Marx's humanism could be the foundation for a new human society.



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