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The Capital Punishment Debate
By Ulli Diemer
Part I
On December 11, 1962 the last execution in Canada took place here
in the middle of our neighbourhood*, at the Don Jail, when the murderers
Lucas and Turpin were hanged back to back.
Ten years before that, in December 1952, the Don was the site of
another double hanging when Jackson and Suchan went to the gallows
at midnight while outside, waiting for news of the murderers' death,
a drunken crowd milled about, celebrating and providing living proof
of the uplifting effect which the death penalty has on society.
The deliberate legally sanctioned taking of a human life is a potent
emotional totem, an act through which we participate symbolically
in the forbidden act of killing. No wonder then that the "debate"
over capital punishment is so emotional, so categorical, so barren
of analysis of whether the death penalty actually makes practical
sense.
The latest round of demands for the restoration of hanging illustrates
vividly the blind emotionality the subject arouses. The demands
are spurred by the recent killings of several policemen; supposedly
the death penalty would be an answer.
Yet look at the nature of these killings. A teenager with no record
of crime or violence rams a police car broadside without warning,
killing the officer, and then shoots himself dead. A young man tells
his girlfriend that he is going to shoot someone, goes out and machine-guns
the first handy policeman, then turns the gun on himself. A man
lures a police officer to his home on a pretext, kills him, and
then kills himself. A man who has sworn to his friends that he will
never allow himself to be taken alive guns down a civilian and a
policeman before being killed in a shootout in which an other policeman
also dies.
How can capital punishment be used to punish those who are already
dead? How can it deter someone who is out to die? What possible
relevance does the death penalty have to any of these tragedies?
In short, none. They are merely an emotional trigger for those
who have come to believe that the abolition of the death penalty
represents part of a slide to social chaos which could be reversed
if only the noose were brought back. There have been many studies
of the relationship between capital punishment and the incidence
of murder. The universal conclusion has been that there is no relationship.
In the United States, it was found that states without capital
punishment had slightly lower murder rates than those with it. In
Canada, despite the recent incidents of police murders, killings
of policemen have in no way increased since the death penalty for
killing police officers was abolished.
In fact, the most policemen ever killed in Canada in one year --
11 -- died in 1962, when the death penalty was last carried out.
The following year, with the noose put away, not a single policeman
was killed. Hardly an indication that Canada is full of potential
police killers held in check by the death penalty alone.
And common sense does suggest to us that anyone mentally stable
enough to be deterred by anything is as likely to be deterred by
the prospect of 25 years in prison as by the prospect of death.
Neither threat is likely to deter the criminal who is convinced
that he won't be caught anyway.
A prison sentence is not only an effective deterrent, but it also
offers an important advantage over capital punishment: it is possible
to make amends for a mistake. We have had in Canada three well-publicized
cases recently of prisoners serving lengthy jail sentences for crimes
they did not commit.
What restitution would it be possible to make to Donald Marshall,
for example, if he had been hanged for the murder to which another
man confessed after Marshall had served 11 years in prison?
Part II
The death penalty, emotional beliefs not-withstanding, is not a
deterrent. In country after country, it has been found that the
existence, abolition, or re-introduction of capital punishment has
no discernible effect on the murder rate.
What does have a discernible effect, on the murder rate, on other
crimes of violence, and on the crime rate in general, are various
social factors. Every percentage rise in unemployment, for example,
is accompanied by a corresponding rise in mental illness, suicide,
and crimes such as wife beating, child abuse, robbery - and murder.
This is not to say that being unemployed or poor directly causes
people to become criminals - most unemployed people are no more
likely to commit a crime than their employed counterparts. But it
is to say that being unemployed with little hope of getting a job
puts a serious strain on people. If they are young, male, and given
to hanging around - what else is there to do? - that strain may
well be compounded by regular harassment from police, who at times
seem determined to turn such youths into police haters.
Most cope with the strains of poverty and unemployment in ways that
do not bring them to the attention of the police. But inevitably
some do not. And inevitably, as the number of the poor and the unemployed
increases, so does the prison population. Society can't afford the
small amounts required to help people become decently self-sustaining,
but can afford to spend the far greater amounts required to keep
people in jail. Canada stands out among Western countries for keeping
more of its population in jail despite a lower crime rate.
Those who wind up in prison for a period of time are given plenty
of encouragement in their choice of a criminal path by prison conditions
which are designed to humiliate and frustrate rather than rehabilitate.
Even so, there are those who demand that prisons be even harsher
than they presently are. Their conviction is that penitentiaries
aren't bleak enough, aren't brutal enough, don't do enough to degrade
inmates. They prescribe jails that would be even more efficient
in producing hardened and bitter criminals.
The rest of us, unless we are prepared to execute or imprison for
life everyone ever convicted of any offense, may question the wisdom
of this course of action.
Who do we want to eventually release back onto our streets? A man
who during his time in prison was treated fairly and humanely and
given a chance to make a new beginning? Or a man who comes out bitter
and angry, wanting to get revenge for the way he was treated, convinced
by his experience in jail that all of society, including the state
which put him away, operates on the basis of brutality, vengeance,
and hypocrisy?
As any parent knows, we teach much more by what we do than by what
we say. No matter how piously we justify brutal prison conditions
or capital punishment, the message we give is a simple one: violence
and force are a normal and legitimate way of dealing with problems.
Violence solves problems. Even the state, with all its power and
resources, chooses to use violence to keep people in line.
We may be sure that inevitably this is the message that will get
across. In the United States a study has even found that the publicity
given to the crimes of people about to be executed has actually
brought forth imitators who commit similar crimes.
The crimes of some murderers especially are almost beyond comprehension.
It is hard to believe that a human being could sink to the level
they have. But at least the rest of us can put them aside as sick
aberrations. They are so far removed from us that some of the horror
is taken away.
What is more horrifying, in a sense is the picture of a society
cold-bloodedly organizing itself to kill. Deciding that killing
people is a way to solve problems, and setting up a machinery to
do so. Paying jurors and judges, carpenters and electricians, doctors
and priests, and hangmen, all to take part in a planned and deliberate
taking of human life. Paying them for their participation. All in
a day's work. This kind of cold blooded killing is the most horrifying
of all. Especially when alternatives are available, and we refuse
to take them.
* "Our neighbourhood" refers to the area of Toronto east
of the downtown where the Don Jail is located.
Published in Seven
News, November 1984.
Also available in French: La
Peine Capitale.
También disponible en español: El
Debate de la Pena Capita.
Ulli Diemer
Phone: 416-964-1511
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