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Joel Kovel (born 27 August 1936) is an American politician, academic, writer, and eco-socialist. A practicing psychiatrist and psychoanalyst until the mid-1980s, he has lectured in psychiatry, anthropology, political science and communication studies. He has published many books on his work in psychiatry, psychoanalysis and political activism. Kovel is a member of the Green Party of the United States (GPUS).
Joel Kovel at Judson Memorial Church
New York City, 2009
In 1936, Kovel was born in Brooklyn, New York, and spent his childhood between Brooklyn and Long Island. He first attended Yale College and then studied medicine at Columbia University, where he gained a medical degree in 1961. Following this, he studied psychiatry at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine, becoming Director of Residency Training (1977-83) and Professor of Psychiatry (1979-86) at the college. He also holds a diploma in psychoanalysis from the Downstate Medical Center Institute.
Kovel is married, has three children, three stepchildren and five grandchildren, and resides in Willow, a rural district of Woodstock, Ulster County, New York. Kovel is the Father-in-law of comedian Greg Fitzsimmons.
Kovel took up a career in psychiatry and psychoanalysis until the mid-1980s, when he became disillusioned with the health care system. In addition to his work in Psychiatry, Kovel has been Adjunct Professor of Anthropology at the Graduate Faculty in the New School for Social Research; Visiting Professor of Political Science and Communications at the University of California (1986-7); Visiting Professor at San Diego State University (1990); Visiting Professor of Communication at the University of California (1993); and Alger Hiss Professor of Social Studies, Bard College between 1988 and 2003, and Distinguished Professor of Social Studies at the institution from 2003 to 2008.
In 2009, Kovel accused Bard College of terminating him in retaliation for his political views. The college president, Leon Botstein, countered that the reasons were financial and not political. The firing took place at the height of the global financial crisis of 2008âÄď2009, when the college let several members of the faculty go. College President Leon Botstein wrote to Kovel accusing him of "tak(ing) what is self-evidently a result of economic constraint and turn(ing) it into a trumped-up case of prejudice and political victimization."
Kovel has contributed to many journals and magazines. He is currently the Editor-in-Chief of Capitalism Nature Socialism, a quarterly journal on Eco-socialism.
As a writer, Kovel has published nine books and over a hundred articles in various publications. Many of his books have been related to his work psychiatry and psychoanalysis. White Racism: A Psychohistory, released in 1972, was nominated for a National Book Award in Religion and Philosophy. His work in the psychiatric-psychoanalytic system was documented in 1981 with the publication of The Age of Desire: Case Histories of a Radical Psychoanalyst. The Radical Spirit: Essays on Psychoanalysis and Society won "Choice Outstanding Academic Book" for 1989.
Other works have focused on politics and eco-socialism, including Against the State of Nuclear Terror (1983) and 1994's Red Hunting in the Promised Land, a study of anticommunist repression in America. The Enemy of Nature: The End of Capitalism or The End of the World, was published in 2002.
Kovel's most recent book, Overcoming Zionism: Creating a Single Democratic State in Israel-Palestine, became the focus of intense controversy in 2007.
Kovel became involved in political activism during the Vietnam War. He has been an active member of anti-nuclear movement and peace campaigns, Central American and Caribbean solidarity movements, the movements for democratic media and environmental campaigns. As part of his campaigning work, he lived briefly in Nicaragua in 1986 and joined the Pastors for Peace as they broke the US blockade on Cuba in their 1994 Friendshipment.
In 1990, Kovel moved into party politics by joining the Green Party of the US. In 1998 he ran as the party's candidate for US Senator from New York, finishing fourth among the six candidates. Kovel also ran for the party's Presidential nomination in 2000 finishing fourth overall well behind nominee Ralph Nader.
In 2001, Kovel and Michael L√∂wy, an anthropologist and member of the Trotskyist Fourth International, released An ecosocialist manifesto, which set out to define eco-socialist ideology and has been adopted by some organisations. Kovel's 2002 work, The Enemy of Nature: The End of Capitalism or the End of the World?, is considered by many, such as Derek Wall, to be the most up-to-date exposition of eco-socialist thought.
Kovel is anti-capitalist and anti-globalization, seeing globalization as a force driven by capitalism âÄď in turn, the rapid economic growth encouraged by globalization causes acute ecological crises. He believes that capitalist firms have to continue to generate profit through a combination of continually intensifying exploitation and selling to new markets: this means that capitalism must grow indefinitely to exist, which seems impossible on a planet of finite resources.
In the Ecosocialist manifesto, Kovel and L√∂wy suggest that capitalist expansion causes both "crises of ecology" through "rampant industrialization" and "societal breakdown" that springs "from the form of imperialism known as globalization". They believe that capitalism's expansion "exposes ecosystems" to pollutants, habitat destruction and resource depletion, "reducing the sensuous vitality of nature to the cold exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital", while submerging "the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power" as it penetrates communities through "consumerism and depoliticization". Furthermore, Kovel sees the form of neo-liberal globalization as "a return to the pure logic of capital" that "has effectively swept away measures which had inhibited capitalâÄôs aggressivity, replacing them with naked exploitation of humanity and nature"; for Kovel, this "tearing down of boundaries", which was "a deliberate response to a serious accumulation crisis" in the 1970s, has become the definition of modern 'globalization'.
As eco-socialists disagree with the elite theories of capitalism, which tend to label a specific class or social group as conspirators who construct a system that satisfies their greed and personal desires, Kovel suggests that the capitalist system itself is self-perpetuating, fuelled by extra-human or impersonal forces. He uses the Bhopal Union-Carbide industrial disaster as an example. Many anti-corporation observers would blame the avarice of those at the top of many multi-national corporations. Conversely, Kovel traces systemic impulses. Union Carbide were experiencing a decrease in sales that led to falling profits, which, due to stock market conditions, translated into a drop in share values. The depreciation of share value made many shareholders sell their stock, weakening the company and leading to cost-cutting measures that eroded the safety procedures and mechanisms at the Bhopal site. Though this did not, in Kovel's mind, make Bhopal inevitable, it illustrates the effect market forces can have on increasing the likelihood of ecological and social problems.
Kovel follows Marx's theories about the contradiction between use values and exchange values. As he explains in The Enemy of Nature, within a market economy, goods are not produced to meet needs but are produced to be exchanged for money that we then use to acquire other goods. As we have to keep selling in order to keep buying, we must persuade others to buy our goods just to ensure our survival, which leads to the production of goods with no previous use that can be sold to sustain our ability to buy other goods. Kovel stresses that this contradiction has reached a destructive extent, where certain essential activities âÄď such as caring for relatives full-time and basic subsistence âÄď are unrewarded, while unnecessary economic activities earn certain individuals huge fortunes.
Capitalist expansion is seen by Kovel as being "hand in glove" with "corrupt and subservient client states" that repress dissent against the system, governed by international organisations "under the overall supervision of the Western powers and the superpower United States", which subordinate peripheral nations economically and militarily. Kovel further claims that capitalism itself spurs conflict and, ultimately, war. Kovel states that the 'War on Terror', between Islamist extremists and the USA, is caused by "oil imperialism", whereby the capitalist nations require control over sources of energy, especially oil, which are necessary to continue intensive industrial growth âÄď in the quest for control of such resources, Kovel argues that the capitalist nations, specifically the USA, have come into conflict with the predominantly Muslim nations where oil is often found.
Kovel believes that state or self-regulation of markets does not solve the crisis "because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation", which is "unacceptable" for a growth-orientated system; they believe that terrorism and revolutionary impulses cannot be tackled properly "because to do so would mean abandoning the logic of empire". Instead, eco-socialists feel that increasing repressive counter-terrorism increases alienation and causes further terrorism and believe that state counter-terrorist methods are, in Kovel and L√∂wy's words, "evolving into a new and malignant variation of fascism". They echo Rosa Luxemburg's "stark choice" between "socialism or barbarism", which was believed to be a prediction of the coming of fascism and further forms of destructive capitalism at the beginning of the twentieth century (Luxemburg was in fact murdered by proto-fascist Freikorps in the revolutionary atmosphere of Germany in 1919).
Kovel criticises many within the Green movement for not being overtly anti-capitalist, for working within the existing capitalist, statist system, for voluntarism, or for reliance on technological fixes. He suggests that eco-socialism differs from Green politics at the most fundamental level because the 'Four Pillars' of Green politics (and the 'Ten Key Values' of the US Green Party) do not include the demand for the emancipation of labour and the end of the separation between producers and the means of production.
Kovel is highly critical of those Greens who favour "working within the system". While he recognises the ability of within-system approaches to raise awareness, and believe that "the struggle for an ecologically rational world must include a struggle for the state", he believes that the mainstream Green movement is too easily co-opted by the current powerful socio-political forces as it "passes from citizen-based activism to ponderous bureaucracies scuffling for 'a seat at the table'". For Kovel, capitalism is "happy to enlist" the Green movement for "convenience", "control over popular dissent" and "rationalization". He further attacks within-system green initiatives like carbon trading, which he sees as a "capitalist shell game" that turns pollution "into a fresh source of profit".
In addition, Kovel criticises the "defeatism" of voluntarism in some local forms of environmentalism that do not connect together: he suggests that they can be "drawn off into individualism" or co-opted to the demands of capitalism, as in the case of certain recycling projects, where citizens are "induced to provide free labor" to waste management industries who are involved in the "capitalization of nature". He labels the notion of voluntarism "ecopolitics without struggle".
Kovel notes that "events in nature are reciprocal and multi-determined" and can therefore not be predictably "fixed"; socially, technologies cannot solve social problems because they are not "mechanical". He posits an analysis, developed from Marx, that patterns of production and social organisation are more important then the forms of technology used within a given configuration of society. Under capitalism, he suggests that technology "has been the sine qua non of growth" âÄď thus he believes that, even in a world with hypothetical "free energy", the effect would be to lower the cost of automobile production, leading to the massive overproduction of vehicles, "collapsing infrastructure", chronic resource depletion and the "paving over" of the "remainder of nature". In the modern world, Kovel considers the supposed efficiency of new post-industrial commodities is a "plain illusion", as miniaturized components involve many substances and are therefore non-recyclable (and, theoretically, only simple substances could be retrieved by burning out-of-date equipment, releasing more pollutants). He is quick to warn "environmental liberals" against over-selling the virtues of renewable energies that cannot meet the mass energy consumption of the era; although he would still support renewable energy projects, he believes it is more important to restructure societies to reduce energy use before relying on renewable energy technologies alone.
Kovel believes that eco-socialists must reject at a fundamental level what he calls "ecological economics" or the "ecological wing of mainstream economics" for being "uninterested in social transformation". He furthers rejects the Neo-Smithian school, who believe in Adam Smith's vision of "a capitalism of small producers, freely exchanging with each other", which is self-regulating and competitive. The school is represented by thinkers like David Korten who believe in "regulated markets" checked by government and civil society but, for Kovel, they do not provide a critique of the expansive nature of capitalism away from localised production and ignore "questions of class, gender or any other category of domination". Kovel also criticises their "fairy-tale" view of history, which refers to the abuse of "natural capital" by the materialism of the Scientific Revolution, an assumption that, in Kovel's eyes, seems to suggest that "nature had toiled to put the gift of capital into human hands", rather than capitalism being a product of social relations in human history.
Other forms of Community-based economics are also rejected by Kovel, including followers of E. F. Schumacher and some members of the Cooperative movement, for advocating "no more than a very halting and isolated first step". He thinks that their principles are "only partially realizable within the institutions of cooperatives in capitalist society" because "the internal cooperation" of cooperatives is "forever hemmed in and compromised" by the need to expand value and compete within the market. For Kovel, Community-based economics and Green Localism are "a fantasy" because "strict localism belongs to the aboriginal stages of society" and would be an "ecological nightmare at present population levels" due to "heat loses from a multitude of dispersed sites, the squandering of scare resources, the needless reproduction of effort, and cultural impoverishment". While he feels that small-scale production units are "an essential part of the path towards an ecological society", he sees them not as "an end in itself"; in his view, small enterprises can be either capitalist or socialist in their configuration and therefore must be "consistently anti-capitalist", through recognition and support of the emancipation of labour, and exist "in a dialectic with the whole of things", as human society will need large-scale projects, such as transport infrastructures. He highlights the work of Herman Daly, who exemplifies what eco-socialists see as the good and bad points of ecological economics âÄď while he offers a critique of capitalism and a desire for "workers ownership", he only believes in workers ownership "kept firmly within a capitalist market", ignoring the eco-socialist desire for struggle in the emancipation of labour and hoping that the interests of labour and management today can be improved so that they are "in harmony".
Kovel has attacked deep ecology because, like other forms of Green politics and Green economics, it features "virtuous souls" who have "no internal connection with the critique of capitalism and the emancipation of labor". He is particularly scathing about deep ecology and its "fatuous pronouncement" that Green politics is "neither left nor right, but ahead", which, for him, ignores the notion that "that which does not confront the system becomes its instrument".
Even more scathingly, Kovel suggests that in "its effort to decentre humanity within nature", deep ecologists can "go too far" and argue for the "splitting away of unwanted people", as evidenced by their desire to preserve wilderness by removing the groups that have lived there "from time immemorial". Kovel thinks that this lends legitimacy to "capitalist elites", like the US State Department and the World Bank, who can make preservation of wilderness a part of their projects that "have added value as sites for ecotourism" but remove people from their land. Between 1986 and 1996, Kovel notes that over three million people were displaced by "conservation projects"; in the making of the US National Parks, three hundred Shoshone Indians were killed in the development of Yosemite. Kovel believes that deep ecology has affected the rest of the Green movement and led to calls from restrictions on immigration, "often allying with reactionaries in a... cryptically racist quest". Indeed, he finds traces of deep ecology in the "biological reduction" of Nazism, an ideology many "organicist thinkers" have found appealing, including Herbert Gruhl, a founder of the German Green Party (who subsequently left when it became more Left-wing) and originator of the phrase "neither left nor right, but ahead". Kovel warns that, while 'ecofascism' is confined to a narrow band of far right intellectuals and disaffected white power skinheads who involved themselves alongside far left groups in the anti-globalization movement, it may be "imposed as a revolution from above to install an authoritarian regime in order to preserve the main workings of the system" in times of crisis.
Bioregionalism, a philosophy developed by writers like Kirkpatrick Sale who believe in the self-sufficiency of "appropriate bioregional boundaries" drawn up by inhabitants of "an area", has been critiqued by Kovel, who fears that the "vagueness" of the area will lead to conflict and further boundaries between communities. While Sale cites the bioregional living of Native Americans, Kovel notes that such ideas are impossible to translate to populations of modern proportions, and evidences the fact that Native Americans held land in commons, rather than private property âÄď thus, for eco-socialists, bioregionalism provides no understanding of what is needed to transform society, and what the inevitable "response of the capitalist state" would be to people constructing bioregionalism.
Kovel also attacks the problems of self-sufficiency. Where Sale believes in self-sufficient regions "each developing the energy of its peculiar ecology", such as "wood in the northwest [USA]", Kovel asks "how on earth" these can be made sufficient for regional needs, and notes the environmental damage of converting Seattle into a "forest-destroying and smoke-spewing wood-burning" city. Kovel also questions Sale's insistence on bioregions that do "not require connections with the outside, but within strict limits", and whether this precludes journeys to visit family members and other forms of travel.
Kovel acknowledges the importance of "the gendered bifurcation of nature" and supports the emancipation of gender as it "is at the root of patriarchy and class". Nevertheless, while he believes that "any path out of capitalism must also be eco-feminist", he criticises types of ecofeminism that are not anti-capitalist and can "essentialize women's closeness to nature and build from there, submerging history into nature", becoming more at place in the "comforts of the New Age Growth Centre". These limitations, for Kovel, "keep ecofeminism from becoming a coherent social movement".
Though Kovel recognises Social Ecology as part of a similar radical tradition as eco-socialism, he still distinguishes one from the other because Social Ecologists see hierarchy "in-itself" as the cause of ecological destruction, whereas eco-socialists focus on gender and class domination embodied in capitalism and recognise that forms of authority that are not "an expropriation of human power for... self-aggrandizement", such as a student-teacher relationship that is "reciprocal and mutual", are beneficial. In practice, Kovel describes Social Ecology as continuing the anarchist tradition of non-violent direct action, which is "necessary" but "not sufficient" because "it leaves unspoken the question of building an ecological society beyond capital". Furthermore, Social Ecologists and anarchists tend to focus on the state alone, rather than the class relations behind state domination (in the view of Marxists). Kovel fears that this is political, springing from historic hostility to Marxism among anarchists and sectarianism, which he points out as a fault of the "brilliant" but "dogmatic" founder of Social Ecology, Murray Bookchin.
For Kovel and Lowy, eco-socialism is "the realization of the 'first-epoch' socialisms" by resurrecting the notion of "free development of all producers", distancing themselves from "the attenuated, reformist aims of social democracy and the productivist structures of the bureaucratic variations of socialism", such as forms of Leninism and Stalinism. They ground the failure of past socialist movements in "underdevelopment in the context of hostility by existing capitalist powers", which led to "the denial of internal democracy" and "emulation of capitalist productivism". Kovel believes that the forms of "actually existing socialism" consisted of "public ownership of the means of production", rather than meeting "the true definition" of socialism as "a free association of producers", with the Party-State bureaucracy acting as the "alienating substitute 'public'".
In analysing the Russian Revolution, Kovel feels that "conspiratorial" revolutionary movements "cut off from the development of society" will "find society an inert mass requiring leadership from above". From this, he notes that the anti-democratic Tsarist heritage meant that the Bolsheviks, who were aided into power by World War One, were a minority who, when faced with a counter-revolution and invading Western powers, continued "the extraordinary needs of 'war communism'", which "put the seal of authoritarianism" on the revolution; thus, for Kovel, Lenin and Trotsky "resorted to terror", shut down the Soviets (workers' councils) and emulated "capitalist efficiency and productivism as a means of survival", setting the stage for Stalinism. Lenin, in Kovel's eyes, came to oppose the nascent Bolshevik environmentalism and its champion Aleksandr Bogdanov, who was later attacked for "idealism"; Kovel describes Lenin's philosophy as "a sharply dualistic materialism, rather similar to the Cartesian separation of matter and consciousness, and perfectly tooled... to the active working over of the dead, dull matter by the human hand", which led him to want to overcome Russian backwardness through rapid industrialization. This tendency was, according to Kovel, augmented by a desire to catch-up with the West and the "severe crisis" of the revolution's first years. Furthermore, Kovel quotes Trotsky, who believed in a Communist "superman" who would "learn how to move rivers and mountains". Kovel believes that, in Stalin's "revolution from above" and mass terror in response to the early 1930s economic crisis, Trotsky's writings "were given official imprimatur", despite the fact that Trotsky himself was eventually purged, as Stalinism attacked "the very notion of ecology... in addition to ecologies". Kovel adds that Stalin "would win the gold medal for enmity to nature", and that, in the face of massive environmental degradation, the inflexible Soviet bureaucracy became increasingly inefficient and unable to emulate capitalist accumulation, leading to a "vicious cycle" that led to its collapse.
Kovel focuses on working-class involvement in the formation of eco-socialist parties or their increased involvement in existing Green Parties; however, he believes that, unlike many other forms of socialist analysis, "there is no privileged agent" or revolutionary class, and that there is potential for agency in numerous autonomous, grassroots individuals and groups who can build "prefigurative" projects for non-violent radical social change. He defines "prefiguration" as "the potential for the given to contain the lineaments of what is to be", meaning that "a moment toward the future exists embedded in every point of the social organism where a need arises". If "everything has prefigurative potential", Kovel notes that forms of potential ecological production will be "scattered", and thus suggests that "the task is to free them and connect them". While all "human ecosystems" have "ecosocialist potential", Kovel points out that ones such as the World Bank have low potential, whereas internally democratic anti-globalization "affinity groups" have a high potential through a dialectic that involves the "active bringing and holding together of negations", such as the group acting as an alternative institution ("production of an ecological/socialist alternative") and trying to shut down a G8 summit meeting ("resistance to capital"). Therefore "practices that in the same motion enhance use-values and diminish exchange-values are the ideal" for eco-socialists.
For Kovel, the main prefigurative steps "are that people ruthlessly criticize the capitalist system... and that they include in this a consistent attack on the widespread belief that there can be no alternative to it", which will then "deligitimate the system and release people into struggle". Kovel justifies this by stating that "radical criticism of the given... can be a material force", even without an alternative, "because it can seize the mind of the masses of people", leading to "dynamic" and "exponential", rather than "incremental" and "linear", victories that spread rapidly. Following this, he advocates the expansion of the dialectical eco-socialist potential of groups through sustaining the confrontation and internal cohesion of human ecosystems, leading to an "activation" of potentials in others that will "spread across the whole social field" as "a new set of orienting principles" that define an ideology or "'party-life' formation".
In the short-term, Kovel advocates activities that have the âÄúpromise of breaking down the commodity formâÄĚ. This includes organizing labor, which is a âÄúreconfiguring of the use-value of labor powerâÄĚ; forming cooperatives, allowing âÄúa relatively free association of laborâÄĚ; forming localised currencies, which he sees as âÄúundercutting the value-basis of moneyâÄĚ; and supporting âÄúradical mediaâÄĚ that, in his eyes, involve an âÄúundoing of the fetishism of commoditiesâÄĚ. He advocates economic localisation in the same vein as many in the Green movement, although only as a prefigurative step rather than an end in itself. He also advises political parties attempting to âÄúdemocratize the stateâÄĚ that there should be âÄúdialogue but no compromiseâÄĚ with established political parties, and that there must be âÄúa continual association of electoral work with movement workâÄĚ to avoid âÄúbeing sucked back into the systemâÄĚ. Such parties, he believes, should focus on âÄúthe local rungs of the political systemâÄĚ first, before running national campaigns that âÄúchallenge the existing system by the elementary means of exposing its broken promisesâÄĚ.
Kovel believes in building prefigurations around forms of production based on use values, which will provide a practical vision of a post-capitalist, post-statist system. Such projects include Indymedia ("a democratic rendering of the use-values of new technologies such as the Internet, and a continual involvement in wider struggle"), open-source software, Wikipedia, public libraries and many other initiatives, especially those developed within the anti-globalisation movement.
Kovel believes that examples like the Christian Bruderhof Communities (despite elements of patriarchy that he attacks) show that "communistic" organizations can "survive rather well in a heavily industrialized market" if they are "protected" from the dependence on the market by "anti-capitalist intentionality". He further posits that class struggle is "internationalized in the face of globalization", as evidenced by a wave of strikes across the Global South in the first half of the year 2000; indeed, he says that "labor's most cherished values are already immanently ecocentric". Kovel therefore thinks that these universalizing tendencies must lead to the formation of "a consciously 'Ecosocialist Party'" that is neither like a parliamentary or vanguardist party. Instead, Kovel advocates a form of political party "grounded in communities of resistance", where delegates from these communities form the core of the party's activists, and these delegates and the "open and transparent" assembly they form are subject to recall and regular rotation of members. He holds up the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and the Gaviotas movement as examples of such communities, which "are produced outside capitalist circuits" and show that "there can be no single way valid for all peoples". Nonetheless, he also firmly believes in connecting these movements, stating that "ecosocialism will be international or it will be nothing" and hoping that the Ecosocialist Party can retain the autonomy of local communities while supporting them materially. With an ever-expanding party, Kovel hopes that "defections" by capitalists will occur, leading eventually to the armed forces and police who, in joining the revolution, will signify that "the turning point is reached".
Kovel uses the term âÄúEco-socialist revolutionâÄĚ to describe the transition to an eco-socialist world society. In the immediate socio-political transition, he believes that four groups will emerge from the revolution âÄď revolutionaries, those âÄúwhose productive activity is directly compatible with ecological productionâÄĚ (such as nurses, schoolteachers, librarians, independent farmers and many other examples), those âÄúwhose pre-revolutionary practice was given over to capitalâÄĚ (including the bourgeoisie, advertising executives and more) and âÄúthe workers whose activity added surplus value to capitalist commoditiesâÄĚ. In terms of political organisation, he advocates an âÄúinterim assemblyâÄĚ made up of the revolutionaries that can âÄúdevise incentives to make sure that vital functions are maintainedâÄĚ (such as short-term continuation of âÄúdifferential remunerationâÄĚ for labor), âÄúhandle the redistribution of social roles and assetsâÄĚ, convene âÄúin widespread locationsâÄĚ, and send delegates to regional, state, national and international organisations, where every level has an âÄúexecutive councilâÄĚ that is rotated and can be recalled. From there, he asserts that âÄúproductive communitiesâÄĚ will âÄúform the political as well as economic unit of societyâÄĚ and âÄúorganize othersâÄĚ to make a transition to eco-socialist production; he adds that people will be allowed to be members of any community they choose with âÄúassociate membershipâÄĚ of others, such as a doctor having main membership of healthcare communities as a doctor and associate membership of child-rearing communities as a father. Each locality would, in KovelâÄôs eyes, require one community that administered the areas of jurisdiction through an elected assembly. High-level assemblies would have additional âÄúsupervisoryâÄĚ roles over localities to monitor the development of ecosystemic integrity, and administer âÄúsociety-wide servicesâÄĚ like transport in âÄústate-like functionsâÄĚ, before the interim assembly can transfer responsibilities to âÄúthe level of the society as a whole through appropriate and democratically responsive committeesâÄĚ.
Part of the eco-socialist transition, in KovelâÄôs eyes, is the reforming money to retain its use in âÄúenabling exchangesâÄĚ while reducing its functions as âÄúa commodity in its own rightâÄĚ and âÄúrepository of valueâÄĚ. He argues for directing money to âÄúenhancement of use-valuesâÄĚ through a âÄúsubsidization of use-valuesâÄĚ that âÄúpreserves the functioning core of the economy while gaining time and space for rebuilding itâÄĚ. Internationally, he believes in the immediate cessation of speculation in currencies (âÄúbreaking down the function of money as commodity, and redirecting funds on use-valuesâÄĚ), the cancellation of the debt of the Global South (âÄúbreaking the back of the value functionâÄĚ of money) and the redirecting the âÄúvast reservoir of mainly phony valueâÄĚ to reparations and âÄúecologically sound developmentâÄĚ. He suggests the end of military aid and other forms of support to âÄúcomprador elites in the SouthâÄĚ will eventually âÄúlead to their collapseâÄĚ.
In terms of trade, Kovel advocates a âÄėWorld PeopleâÄôs Trade OrganizationâÄô (WPTO), âÄúresponsible to a confederation of popular bodiesâÄĚ, in which âÄúthe degree of control over trade is... proportional to involvement with productionâÄĚ, meaning that âÄúfarmers would have a special say over food tradeâÄĚ and so on. He posits that the WPTO should have an elected council that will oversee a reform of prices in favour of an âÄėEcological PriceâÄô (EP) âÄúdetermined by the difference between actual use-values and fully realized onesâÄĚ, thus having low tariffs for forms of ecological production like organic agriculture; he also envisages the high tariffs on non-ecological production providing subsidies to ecological production units. The EP would also internalize the costs of current externalities (like pollution) and âÄúwould be set as a function of the distance tradedâÄĚ, reducing the effects of long-distance transport like carbon emissions and increased packaging of goods. He thinks that this will provide a âÄústandard of transformationâÄĚ for non-ecological industries, like the automobile industry, thus spurring changes towards ecological production.
Kovel pursue "ecological production" that goes beyond the socialist vision of the emancipation of labor to "the realization of use-values and the appropriation of intrinsic value". He envisions a form of production in which "the making of a thing becomes part of the thing made" so that, using a high quality meal as an analogy, "pleasure would obtain for the cooking of the meal" âÄď thus activities "reserved as hobbies under capitalism" would "compose the fabric of everyday life" under eco-socialism. This, for Kovel, is achieved if labor is "freely chosen and developed... with a fully realized use-value" achieved by a "negation" of exchange-value, and he exemplifies the Food Not Bombs project for adopting this. He believes that the notion of "mutual recognition... for the process as well as the product" will avoid exploitation and hierarchy. With production allowing humanity to "live more directly and receptively embedded in nature", Kovel predicts that "a reorientation of human need" will occur that recognises ecological limits and sees technology as "fully participant in the life of eco-systems", thus removing it from profit-making exercises.
In the course on an Eco-socialist revolution, Kovel advocates the âÄúrapid conversion to ecosocialist productionâÄĚ for all enterprises, followed by âÄúrestoring ecosystemic integrity to the workplaceâÄĚ through steps like workers ownership. He then believes that the new enterprises can build âÄúsocially developed plansâÄĚ of production for societal needs, such as efficient light-rail transport components. At the same time, Kovel argues for the transformation of essential but, under capitalism, non-productive labour, such as child care, into productive labour, âÄúthereby giving reproductive labour a status equivalent to productive labourâÄĚ. During such a transition, he believes that income should be guaranteed and that money will still be used under âÄúnew conditions of valueâÄ¶ according to use and to the degree to which ecosystem integrity is developed and advanced by any particular productionâÄĚ. Within this structure, Kovel asserts that markets and will become unnecessary âÄď although âÄúmarket phenomenaâÄĚ in personal exchanges and other small instances might be adopted âÄď and communities and elected assemblies will democratically decide on the allocation of resources.
Kovel is quick to assert that the focus on âÄúproductionâÄĚ does not mean that there will be an increase in production and labor under Eco-socialism. He thinks that the emancipation of labor and the realization of use-value will allow âÄúthe spheres of work and culture to be reintegratedâÄĚ. He cites the example of Paraguayan Indian communities (organised by Jesuits) in the eighteenth century who made sure that all community members learned musical instruments, and had labourers take musical instruments to the fields and takes turns playing music or harvesting.
Kovel focuses on a modified version of the notion of âÄėUsufructâÄô to replace capitalist private property arrangements. As a legal term, Usufruct refers to the legal right to use and derive profit or benefit from property that belongs to another person, as long as the property is not damaged. According to Kovel, a modern interpretation of the idea is âÄúwhere one uses, enjoys âÄď and through that, improves âÄď anotherâÄôs propertyâÄĚ, as its Latin etymology âÄúcondenses the two meanings of use âÄď as in use-value, and enjoyment âÄď and as in the gratification expressed in freely associated labourâÄĚ. The idea, according to Kovel, has roots in the Code of Hammurabi and was first mentioned in Roman law âÄúwhere it applied to ambiguities between masters and slaves with respect to propertyâÄĚ; it also features in Islamic Sharia law, Aztec law and the Napoleonic Code.
Kovel highlights the fact that Marx mentioned the idea when he stated that human beings are no more than the planetâÄôs âÄúusufructaries, and, like boni patres familias, they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved conditionâÄĚ. Kovel has taken on this reading, asserting that, in an eco-socialist society, âÄúeveryone will have... rights of use and ownership over those means of production necessary to express the creativity of human natureâÄĚ, namely âÄúa place of oneâÄôs ownâÄĚ to decorate to personal taste, some personal possessions, the body and its attendant sexual and reproductive rights. However, Kovel sees property as âÄúself-contradictoryâÄĚ because individuals emerge âÄúin a tissue of social relationsâÄĚ and âÄúnested circlesâÄĚ, with the self at the centre and extended circles where âÄúissues of sharing arise from early childhood onâÄĚ. He believes that âÄúthe full self is enhanced more by giving than by takingâÄĚ and that eco-socialism is realized when material possessions weigh âÄúlightlyâÄĚ upon the self âÄď thus restoration of use-value allows things to be taken âÄúconcretely and sensuouslyâÄĚ but âÄúlightly, since things are enjoyed for themselves and not as buttresses for a shaky egoâÄĚ. This, for Kovel, reverses what Marxists see as the commodity fetishism and atomization of individuals (through the âÄúunappeasable cravingâÄĚ for âÄúhaving and excluding others from havingâÄĚ) under capitalism. Under eco-socialism, he therefore believes that enhancement of use-value will lead to differentiated ownership between the individual and the collective, where there are âÄúdistinct limits on the amount of property individuals controlâÄĚ and no-one can take control of resources that âÄúwould permit the alienation of means of production from anotherâÄĚ. He then hopes that the âÄúhubrisâÄĚ of the notion of âÄúownership of the planetâÄĚ will be replaced with usufruct.
Kovel asserts that "violence is the rupturing of ecosystems" and is therefore "deeply contrary to ecosocialist values". He believes that revolutionary movements must prepare for post-revolutionary violence from counter-revolutionary sources by "prior development of the democratic sphere" within the movement, because "to the degree that people are capable of self-government, so will they turn away from violence and retribution" for "a self-governed people cannot be pushed around by any alien government". It is therefore essential, in Kovel's view, that the revolution "takes place in" or spreads quickly to the USA, which "is capital's gendarme and will crush any serious threat", and that revolutionaries reject the death penalty and retribution against former opponents or counter-revolutionaries.
Writing in Capitalism Nature Socialism, Doug Boucher, Peter Caplan, David Schwartzman and Jane Zara criticise eco-socialists in general (and Kovel in particular) for a deterministic "catastrophism" that overlooks "the countervailing tendencies of both popular struggles and the efforts of capitalist governments to rationalize the system" and the "accomplishments of the labor movement" that "demonstrate that despite the interests and desires of capitalists, progress toward social justice is possible". They argue that an ecological socialism must be "built on hope, not fear".
Some environmentalists and conservationists have criticised Kovel from within the Green movement. In a review of The Enemy of Nature, David M. Johns criticises eco-socialism for not offering "suggestions about near term conservation policy" and focusing exclusively on long-term societal transformation. Johns believes that species extinction "started much earlier" than capitalism and suggests that eco-socialism neglects the fact that an ecological society will need to transcend the destructiveness found in "all large-scale societies". Johns questions whether non-hierarchical social systems can provide for billions of people, and criticises eco-socialists for neglecting issues of population pressure. Furthermore, Johns describes Kovel's argument that human hierarchy is founded on raiding to steal women as "archaic". Overall, Johns feels that eco-socialism asks "many of the right questions" and will encourage conservationists "to better understand which obstacles to conservation are structural", but still feels that eco-socialists suffer from trying "to fit ecological processes and problems into categories long used to describe human society", the very tendency that Kovel himself attacks among capitalists and traditional leftists who attempt to reduce nature to "linear" human models.
The American distributor of Kovel's book Overcoming Zionism, the University of Michigan Press, temporarily suspended distribution of the book in August 2007 after accusations of anti-semitism. Philip Pachoda, Director of the University of Michigan Press, characterized Kovel's book as "hate speech." Three members of the University's board of Regents criticized the University Press's distribution of books by other publishers on the grounds that it "âÄúdebases the pressâÄô franchise and leaves the press and the university open to damage.âÄĚ  Betsy Kellman, director of the Michigan Anti-Defamation League chapter described the book as dealing in "anti-Semitic canards." A group of six religious organizations, including the National Christian Leadership Council for Israel and the Michigan chapters of the American Jewish Congress, the Jewish Community Relations Council, and B'nai Brith, issued a statement describing Kovel's book as "often anti-Semitic in nature."
Nevertheless, the University of Michigan Press "voted unanimously" in October 2007 to continue distributing books with Kovel's publisher, Pluto Press, overturning the original suspension. This came after what Democracy Now! called a "growing campaign led by fellow academics and civil libertarians", including historian Howard Zinn. Zinn wrote a letter on behalf of the Committee for an Open Discussion of Zionism (CODZ) âÄď a group formed in September 2007 to support Kovel immediately and then organise a conference "that will address both the issue of suppression and Zionism itself" âÄď urging the end of the suspension, which he blamed on an "ultra-Zionist group called StandWithUs" with links to Campus Watch; he described Overcoming Zionism as "serious, well researched work espousing a humanistic resolution". CODZ, whose Honourary Co-Chairs include Zinn and Norman Finkelstein, further claimed to have "successfully solicited hundreds of letters in support of continuing the distribution agreement with Pluto Press Publications". Other groups, such as Students Allied for Freedom and Equality (SAFE) at the University of Michigan, also supported Kovel.
Following a review of its arrangements with all outside publishers, the University of Michigan Press announced in June 2008 that it will sever its ties with Pluto Press when the current contract expires at the end of 2008, which will end UMP's distribution of Kovel's book. 
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