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War in the Gulf
By Ulli Diemer
A few hours before we went to press, the first wave of air attacks
on Iraq was launched, thus setting off a war whose start could have
been avoided and whose outcome could be far different from that
foreseen by those who began it.
War was unnecessary even in the narrow view because the sanctions
imposed by the United Nations after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait are
being remarkably successful: well over 90% of Iraq's imports and
exports have been stopped, a level of effectiveness not achieved
by any sanctions previously implemented by the world community.
When sanctions were imposed, knowledgeable observers said 12 to
18 months would be required to cripple Iraq's economy, though there
was hope that Saddam Hussein's dictatorship would be forced out
before then.
Yet the United States embarked on a military 'solution' from the
beginning, finally commencing an attack well before the time required
for sanctions to work, making it difficult to escape the conclusion
that the Bush administration wanted war. How else to explain the
rapid, massive military build-up at levels far beyond those needed
to enforce sanctions? How else to explain the U.S.-sponsored UN
resolution setting a January 15 deadline - a date set in the full
knowledge that sanctions would not have had time to complete their
very effective strangling the Iraqi economy? How else to explain
the American interpretation of that resolution, in which a provision
that force may be used became an imperative that force must be used?
Most damning of all is the clear but little mentioned evidence that
the U.S. knew of Saddam's intention to invade Kuwait - evidence
which includes the U.S. ambassador telling Hussein a few days before
the invasion that the U.S. had no position on the border dispute
and how it was resolved, as well as a CIA report which predicted
days in advance not only that Iraq would invade, but the exact date.
If there was a sincere will to avoid a hugely damaging war, there
is no reason even now why, after the initial air attacks on Iraq's
military installations, further attacks couldn't be stopped and
the pressure of sanctions resumed against an Iraq whose military
capabilities have been greatly diminished.
Instead, we see the U.S. and its allies launching themselves into
an unnecessary but potentially calamitous war, all the while believing
they remain in control of events and that everything will turn out
just as they planned.
Those who will pay the cost will be those who had nothing to do
with starting the war. Ordinary Iraqi working people, who have already
suffered for years under an exceptionally brutal dictatorship, will
face death and maiming, the loss of loved ones and of homes and
possessions. Iraqi soldiers, most of them conscripted and forced
into the front lines, many of them the survivors of the eight-year
war that resulted from Saddam's aggression against Iran, will face
mass death.
On the other side of the lines, American soldiers, many of whom
- like their Egyptian, British, French, and Canadian counterparts
- joined the armed forces to escape poverty and unemployment, will
also shed their blood in a needless war. The injured and shell-shocked
survivors will return to the same neglect and ingratitude that greeted
the American Vietnam veterans now living in poverty and pain, and
the crippled Iraqi veterans who beg in the markets of Baghdad.
Those fighting against Iraq will be facing weapons provided to
Saddam Hussein by the Americans, French, and Soviets, and chemical
weapons developed with the help of German companies. The arms merchants
who made huge profits providing these weapons will make more profits
replacing those destroyed in the fighting. Almost certainly, whatever
Iraqi regime emerges from a war will be massively rearmed, once
again, by western arms dealers, before the decade is out. And western
governments will once again be providing the loans and subsidies
to make it all possible.
From a broader point of view, too, war was anything but inevitable.
The U.S. and its allies backed Saddam Hussein for years, pouring
in aid even as Saddam's forces massacred Kurdish villagers and tortured
and murdered political dissidents. Without that support, Saddam
would never have been able to launch his invasions of Iran and Kuwait.
Only because he threatened western oil interests is he being attacked
now, while other reprehensible acts of force, like the Indonesian
occupation of East Timor, the Syrian and Israeli occupation of Lebanon,
or the American invasion of Grenada and war against Nicaragua are
ignored.
Equally unnecessary, but inevitable given the current Canadian
government, is Canada's role in the Gulf mess. The part played by
the Mulroney government has been predictable and squalid. Canadian
forces were sent to the Gulf not under UN auspices or in response
to a UN request, but because George Bush told Brian Mulroney to
send them. Flouting democratic norms in a way that has become a
trademark, the Mulroney government sent troops to a theatre of war
without Parliament being allowed to even discuss it. They were already
flying combat missions when Parliament was finally ostensibly deciding
whether Canada should be involved. In a reversal of the policy of
all previous governments during Canada's history as an independent
nation, Canadian forces have been placed under foreign command:
American commanders will decide when, where, and how Canadians will
fight and die. Presumably it is only a matter of time until the
Mulroney government, with its penchant for cost-cutting, replaces
the Department of External Affairs with a fax machine attached to
the phone line from Washington.
And so a crisis caused by the greed, cynicism, and irresponsibility
of those in power has turned into war. Most of us, to a greater
or lesser degree, are hostages to events that were none of our choosing.
If there is a positive side to all this, it is that this is not
merely an end but a beginning. Social upheaval will be an inevitable
outcome of the events in the Gulf. Regimes will be overthrown as
populations rebel against the misrulers who inflict repression,
dictatorship, poverty, and war on them.
Let us hope that the results of these upheavals will be more democratic
and just societies, in the Middle East, and in Canada and the United
States as well. And let us make sure we do our part to make it happen.
Published in the Connexions
Digest, Issue 53 (January 1991).
Ulli Diemer is a freelance writer.
Phone: 416-964-7799
E-mail:
www.diemer.ca
See also Ulli Diemer's article The
Iraq Crisis in Context on the 2003 Iraq War.
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